Decline Of Civility In Society Philosophy Essay

Decline Of Civility In Society Philosophy Essay What do we consider civilized nowadays? Civilized by definition is having advanced cultural and social development or refined in tastes. Does society today look or act like that? Research shows that society most definitely does not, at least not anymore. What causes people to be so rude? First off, part of the problem is that in this day and age when people choose to be rude they pretty much go for broke. There is no subtlety to their unruly conduct; instead, it is right there in your face. Secondly, sometimes people ignore certain rudeness and simply shrug their collective shoulders and sigh that is the way of the world, no bothering to utter any word of displeasure or disgust at such a display. Such a situation would be far worse because at that point, people not only have learned to accept uncivilized behavior as being par for the course, but they have also lost the drive and will to take a stand and say Sorry, but I refuse to accept that kind of behavior. Finally, the problem could, in fact, be society itself. Think about it, is not peer pressure not one of todays leading causes of people to act like one another in their behaviors? Not to mention the fact that society is becoming more reliable on technology to do everything for them and when it does not people get mad and assert their aggression on others instead on fixing the problem. One cause of the lack of civility is that people these days just do not care anymore about others feelings, at all. Lets not be nice about this, people do have a choice and control how they conduct themselves around others. What could cause such inconsiderate behavior? Our behavior toward people tends to be the catalyst the motivation for how they relate to us. Consequently, treating others with courtesy usually causes them to be courteous to us. Patience and kindness promotes patience and kindness, etc. Ask yourself how you wish to be treated? Would you like to be shown encouragement? Do you want your shortcomings to be treated with tolerance and forgiveness? Do you desire to be shown love and acceptance? (Robbins 1) Therefore, concluding from Dr. Robbins article, we should treat other we the same attitude and thoughtfulness that we wish to be shown. People have reasons for being inconsiderate, even if they do not realize it. Opening up communication and finding out the cause for the behavior can help the situation. Dont, however, expect the situation to change. In recovery, we learn that we cant change people; the other person must decide whether to change inconsiderate behavior. Another problem of incivility is society accepting such inconsiderate behavior rather than doing something about it. Since when is rudeness justifiable? Apparently as stated in A Decline in Civility or just a selfish request 4 respect? à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦to live life in a permanent revolution is taxing and we get tired eventually. We transition to old age and start complaining that nobody gives us the respect we deserve, forgetting, most of the time to dispense it ourselves onto others. Our increasing alienation and reliance of cold, impersonal technology for interpersonal communication seems to push us into a downward spiral, where the decreasing human contact makes us feel more stressed, we feel were getting less sympathy and respect from others and in return we start to give out less ourselves. (Edutarian 1) This means that we need to interact with one another more often or otherwise everyone become insensitive towards each other because no one cares to even talk to them. Personally this sounds stupid because if someone wants to talk, they will find someone to talk to, just saying. Unfortunately, aging could be a factor in rude behavior. How so? Well diseases like Alzheimers or being senile can cause older folks to be uncivilized or irritable, but in most cases it is more of the persons mentality and psyche. Lastly, the main problem with rudeness could be society itself or the advance technology that we are compiling to make life easier but yet complex at the same time. Rudeness was originally associated with Northern citizens of America, as stated in Stephen Carters The Etiquette of Democracy, which says the old bromide that people who live in cities are not as polite as people in the country. New Yorkers, we think, epitomize rudeness, whereas folks in the South, say, are just as friendly as they can be. The bromide, however, turns out not to be a bromide: more and more experimental evidence confirms it. Something seems to happen to the psyche, to the personality, maybe even to the soul, when people live together in vast numbers. We find ourselves avoiding each other if only to keep from tripping over each other. We demand what has come to be called our space. (Carter 366) He furthers this by quoting Stanley Milgram, psychologist, who overstates the urban incivility in the city, traditional courtesies are violated; rather, the cities develop new norms of noninvolvement. Thus, when visitors arrive from rural areas with very different rules of conduct and complain that they seem to have landed in a foreign country, they are, in a sense, absolutely right. The city, like any other community, creates its own standards of behavior, along with its own pressures to obey them. The only trouble is, the standards are often morally inferior to the ones they replace. (Carter 366) Instincts tells us that Milgram is right. People do not want to get involved in each others affairs or problems, so instead they steer away from each other or just become out right selfish. Technology like television, the Internet, and cell phones are a possible and refutable cause of disrespect. Television is a big reason why people act so rude. Patricia Crowley, author of Causes of Todays Incivility, states that the children think that whatever they see on TV is true and that how everyone on TV acts is the way they are supposed to act. They also think that if they want to be tough like the boy they just saw on TV that they have to act like he does, which is without manners. The girls think if they want to be popular and beautiful they have to dress and act just as rudely as the girl they just saw on the sitcom they were watching. (Patricia 1) Television is not the only one though. The Internet brings a mighty bunch of uncivilized declamation to the ring. Social networks, blogs, and so on, cause others to acquire a rude behavior due to certain situations. What makes matters worse is when technology fails and the human temper elevates, because we are society of instanta neous service which drives us to be angry and rude towards the infernal contraption because it will not dispense the coffee or something. So, what is the cause of the decline of civility in society? Frankly, society itself is the problem and the solution. Society causes us to be rude due to the fact that people are rude to one another without any remorse or consideration of the significant other. The only we can combat against this epidemic is by acknowledging the persons rude behavior and stand up against, also not to let the little things get to us. Only way an attitude can be fixed is with a new attitude.

Research Paper. People Power Revolution Essay

For more than a decade now, many Filipinos have trekked to EDSA to commemorate the anniversary of the February 1986 â€Å"People Power Revolution,† marking the overthrow of President Marcos’ regime. This year the customary rituals – ecumenical invocations, on-site masses, eloquent political speeches, martial marches, colorful parades, star-studded shows and other diversionary entertainment – will be performed as before. The celebration will probably take a more subdued tone as the country, as well as the region, reels from the economic slowdown and disruptive challenges to erstwhile secure political orders. For most people who persist in joining the EDSA celebration, few are inspired to explore its historical or spiritual connotations. It appears sufficient that this historic stretch of the national highway is momentarily transformed into a convenient amusement park. After all, people who live precariously from moment to moment, as more Filipinos now must, are not inclined to burden themselves contemplating the depressing state of the nation. Better the light entertainment of the moment than the serious reflection which a continuing sense of national purpose and civic responsibility demands. Yet, amidst today’s celebration of the 1986 People Power Revolution, one really ought to inquire into the meaning of this historic mass action, the original context within which it might be more fully appreciated and the painful but now compelling perspective for assessing the current relevance of this experience. In 1986, a critical mass of Filipinos found Marcos and the political order he created sufficiently revolting; and, throwing their support behind a small band of desperate military coup plotters, forced the ailing dictator, his family and his subalterns to flee the country. The popular revolt succeeded in toppling Marcos’ rule, but lacking a clearly revolutionary ideology, a revolutionary program of government, a revolutionary political leadership and indeed a revolutionary mass base, the rising could not go much beyond ridding the country of the hated Marcos and dismantling the formal political infrastructure of his dictatorship. The leaders and other supporters of the â€Å"people power revolution† could have worked hard to give substance to this media-projected identity. Indeed the momentum of the popular revolt could have been sustained and immediately magnified had a series of progressive government policies been launched and implemented with revolutionary rigor by the successor regime. These policies included people empowerment particularly at the local level, national unification embracing the traditionally marginalized and even the main rebel groups, recovery of plundered public resources and relentless pursuit of those responsible for the rape of an entire nation across several generations. The revolutionary possibilities indicated by these early policies of the new government however would remain illusory. Traditional vested interest groups (e.g. landed wealth, those in business and the religious) as well as politicized new players in Philippine politics (e.g. the military) developed more than enough political stakes in the post-Edsa political arrangements and predictably shirked from the revolutionary thrusts of these early policies. As had happened so often in the history of most nations, collaborationist Philippine elites thought it best to undertake a politics of restoration where their primacy would be guaranteed rather than to assist in the building of a new and, for the historically privileged, a problematic, even outrightly perilous democratic regime. Most leaders of the 1986 revolt understandably settled on the reassuring shores of oligarchic history rather than embark on the uncharted, revolutionary seas searching for the proverbial terra incognita, a conceivably democratic national destiny. National unification was pursued without any critical attention being paid to what elements could legitimately be included in or excluded from national life. Thus economic plunderers and scoundrels automatically were inserted as integral parts of post-Marcos transition. It did not matter much, that for more than two decades, they had abused and looted the nation. National reconciliation was similarly uncritically pursued and perpetrators of appalling crimes, including economic brigandage and human rights abuses, were courted without requiring them to undertake significant restitution to the victims of their rapacity while they retained control of government offices at various levels. No revolutionary possibility could survive amidst policies which glossed over the antithetical character of the nation’s traitors and its patriots, the victimizers and their victims, the plunderers and the plundered. A nation that is successfully misled by its leaders into adopting this convenient and self-serving ambiguity learns to readily forgive and hence to also easily forget. Without a clear memory, no nation can hope to sustain an irreversible revolution, the only truly reliable path to its deserved destiny. The historical record since 1986 reflects the implacable effects of reformist policies which do not basically alter the substantive character of Philippine society and its core political system. Economic and political inequities remain at high levels, with poverty engulfing probably more than 6 years percent of the nation’s families (this count is often registered in academic surveys although the government’s own estimates would improve this profile, cutting down the estimated poverty incidence rate to less than 40 percent by 1997). Despite the much touted improvements in national economic performance particularly between 1992 and 1997, Philippine per capita income remains low in relation to countries like Thailand and Malaysia and only slightly better than Indonesia within the region. Independent surveys also indicate that gains made by the national economy in the last 60 have been largely limited to the better-off and had not significantly trickled down to the poorer Filipinos. Politically, local governments have gained more autonomy, the oligarchic and dynastic characteristics of the political system continue to be apparent and are documented in various studies looking into electoral financing, candidate profiles and public official pedigrees. Systemic graft and corruption remain at fairly high levels. Thirteen years after the EDSA Revolution, a new president’s public speeches would continue to denounce routinely â€Å"hoodlums in robes† (those in the judiciary), â€Å"hoodlums in uniform† (those in the military and the police) as well as all other plain hoodlums in and out of government service. All would be warned in his inaugural address not to test his presidential resolve to combat graft and corruption. (Almost a year into his own presidency, it appears that some of his own close political aides have been hard of hearing at his inauguration). One could continue documenting the agitating features of Philippine political history after 1986. One could explore the serious challenges of criminality to public safety (with about 40 percent at least of the people feeling unsafe whether in their own homes or in the streets of their own neighborhood), or of dissident groups defying public order (the CPP-NPA-NDF communist threat and the Muslim Islamic Liberation Front) or the politicization of purportedly neutral government institutions such as the judiciary and the military, among others. All these are painful images of a current reality emphatically belying any claim that a political or socioeconomic revolution was indeed precipitated at EDSA. Yet one more image remains and perhaps it is this one that might serve to sufficiently outrage another critical mass and another generation of Filipinos toward a much more authentic revolutionary awakening. Criminals do appear to have a compulsion to return to the scene of their crimes. The national plunderers are back in business, in all the influential sectors of Philippine society, in government, the private sector and even in  many of the pseudo-organizations of civil society. Their dramatic presence, their predictable forays into the nation’s patrimony and their subsequent arrogant posturings could re-ignite the public’s fading memories of a previous regime’s brutal political repression and tyrannical rule. A better-organized, better-informed and more truly revolutionary consciousness could be facilitated by the resurgence of these people who treated the Philippines as their private looting grounds for more than two decades. Then, like the devil in Goethe’s Faust, they may yet philosophically pronounce when asked for their identity: â€Å"I am he who while ever conspiring to do evil somehow manage to effect good.† The lessons of 1986 and other earlier possible turning points in Philippine history are relatively unambiguous. Revolts do not necessarily make for revolutionary outcomes, at best on for revolutionary potential. In the case of the 1986 Revolution, that potential was aborted. Marcos was deposed as a political ruler, but the political system which spawned him was not irreversibly destroyed and may even now be resurgent. The final lesson of EDSA has long been suspected by democratic sympathizers, although there have been few validations of their thesis. A democratic revolution cannot be initiated or sustained by self-serving elites. Only an enlightened, self-serving citizenry can reliably initiate and sustain an enduring democracy.

Foundations of the U.S. Federal Government Worksheet

Complete the chart below by identifying the three branches of government and their entities.U.S. ConstitutionTrue or False1. The Tenth Amendment limits the power of states. FALSE 2. The Constitution signed in 1787 contained the Bill of Rights. FALSE 3. The Constitution created a system of dual sovereignty, meaning the federal government has exclusive power in interstate commerce. True 4. The president and vice president are part of the legislative branch. FALSE 5. Congress can impose federal mandates, which require the state government to comply with its orders. True or FalseMultiple Choice6. The concept of dual federalism D: viewed federal and state power as fixedd. The Bill of Rights isC: the first 10 amendments to the Constitutione. The legislative branch is composed of which of the following:a. The House of Representatives and Senatef. The First Amendment of the Constitution regards which of the following:D: Freedom of religion, of speech, of the press, to assemble, and to petiti ong. The modern-day structure of categorical federal grants-in-aid came into being D: in the mid-1960sShort AnswerRespond to each question in 75 to 100 words.h. What are some of the historical events that shaped the formation of the U.S. federal government? Select one event you think had a major effect on the federal government. How does this event affect U.S. citizens today? A historical event would bei. Who were some of the early philosophical contributors to U.S. government? How did their ideas help shape the current government of the United States? Some early philosophical contributors were Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, that believed all men were created equal and jean-Jacques Rousseauj. Describe the historical role of the Supreme Court in federalism cases and the direction it has taken since 1990. The historical roles the Supreme Court took on federalism cases was changing the tenth amendment and revamping it so that it would be fair to all involved. It challenged both state and f ederal laws and eased out mixed signals and confusion brought on by the tenth amendment. Because of the Supreme Court, it reaffirmed laws such as limiting the Congress’s power over the interstate commerce and Gun Free Zones Act of 1990 that banned the possession of a firearm within feet of a school.k. What is the main function of the legislative branch? What role does the executive branch play in the formation of laws? Summarize how these two branches work together.The main function of the legislative branch is to pass laws and it also oversees the execution of these laws, while the executive branch main function is to execute laws created by Congress. The Executive branch is made up of the President and the Vice President and their main purpose is to execute the laws created by congress. The legislative branch is composed of the House of Representatives and the senate, these two make up Congress, who creates the laws.l. What is the role of the judicial branch? Who elects mem bers of this branch? Briefly describe the judicial process. The Judicial branch is made up of courts: the Supreme, Circuit, the magistrate, which is local, and Municipal (city) courts. This branch interprets the laws. State judges are elected by the citizens, rather than being appointed. Their duties include interpreting state laws, settling legal disputes, punishing violators of the law, hearing civil cases and protecting rights granted by the state constitution. They also determine the guilt and innocence of those accused of violating criminal laws of the state and they act as a check upon the legislative and executive branches of government.Short Essaym. In 250 to 300 words, define federalism and summarize its role relative to the current U.S. political climate.Federalism is a political system allows states united under a central government to maintain a measure of independence. This basically means that it allows each state to have their own set of laws but everyone follows the laws of the nation. There are certain things that can be done in Louisiana that are illegal in Texas. In some states it’s legal to have medicinal marijuana but not in Louisiana and in other states a man can be legally married to a man but in Louisiana their marriage is not considered legal. This among other things is made possible because of federalism

Essay about Violent Video Games A Bad Choice for Parents...

Violent Video Games: A Bad Choice for Parents and Children A twelve year old boy named Paul sits about three feet from the fifty-two inch screen television with his eyes fixated on his character, a humanlike fox. He is able to use his game controller without looking away from the television. He sits erect and is so focused on what he is doing that he is unaware of everything that is going on around him. Occasionally he will yell out Die! Die, sucker! Just then his five year old brother, Skyler, stops beside him. Skyler exclaims with a smile, What are you playing? followed by, Can I play? The violence has caught his eye. Paul replies, Sure, but I need to show you how to work the controller. He continues†¦show more content†¦Todays technology no longer allows video games to consist of simple characters of simple colors doing simple things. The technology of todays video games has gone beyond the older generations wildest imagination. The older generation of video gamers would not have thought that the characters could stop to smell the flowers or have a conversation with a dinosaur. However, the children of today cannot imagine their video games without these virtual-reality worlds that provide them with a different experience every time they play. Children are lured into these games because of the look and feel of the lifelike characters that have movie screen qualities. These high-tech three-dimensional games allow children to experience the virtual characters as if the child were really inside the game (Moltenbery 1-2). Children who become addicted to video games do so because of the feel of being in a virtual-reality world, which allows them to be one of two kinds of viewers. The first one is a third-person viewer, where the player sees the acts performed by the character. The other kind is the first-person viewer, which allows the player to see through the eyes of the character. 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